Arab Women In Chaos In The Middle East

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September 1, 2021

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Arab women in chaos in the Middle East

"Distant Cry" from a distant peninsula

my first iraqi friend

My first interest in the Middle East, a war-torn and turbulent place, was due to my first Iraqi friend, Shaz.

Zakia Hakki is the first female judge in the history of Iraq and the entire Arab world. She is also Shaz's grandmother. Shaz is an Iraqi-American I met when I was interning in the United States. On the first day I met her, I heard the legendary story of how she followed her parents and grandmother since she was a child, constantly moving, fleeing, and hiding between Syria, Iran, and Lebanon.

Zakia Hakki, the first female judge in the Arab world

What does a Middle Eastern woman mean_Middle Eastern Islamic woman picture_The status of a Middle Eastern woman

In the 1950s, as the leader of the Iraqi Kurdish Democratic Party, Shaz's grandmother Hakki founded the Kurdish Women's Federation, dedicated to using legal weapons to advocate for the rights of Kurds and women. In the 1970s, her grandmother became the first female judge appointed in the Arab world.

Shaz told me that after Saddam Hussein came to power in Iraq, she began a life of refuge that lasted throughout her childhood. Following her parents and grandparents, she escaped countless tracking and abductions until her grandfather was killed and her mother died of illness. Nine years ago, she and her grandmother came to the United States. Until I met her in 2019, she 's father is stranded in Iraq and is still in danger.

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What happened to the Middle East?

Competition for resources, the prevalence of terrorism, and disputes between different religions and sects are the main causes of chaos in the Middle East.

1. Competition for resources. As we all know, the Arabian Peninsula has always been a battleground for Western countries due to its rich oil resources. High-quality natural resources and its special geographical location straddling the Eurasian continent have led European and American countries to continuously intervene in Middle East affairs, causing conflicts in the region to continue to escalate and intensify.

2. Terrorism. Due to constant ethnic and religious conflicts, as well as the oil resource boom since the 1970s, uneven development between oil-rich countries and non-oil-poor countries in the Middle East has triggered economic and political difficulties in the region. At the same time, religious extremism also inspired the emergence of terrorism in the Middle East from its ideological source. This was also the trigger for the outbreak of the war in Iraq and Afghanistan in the Middle East.

The status of a Middle Eastern woman_Middle Eastern Islamic woman picture_What does a Middle Eastern woman mean

3. Religious strife. The main cause of internal strife in Middle Eastern countries is religious issues. The Middle East is mainly divided into three major religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam. The struggle between different religions is concentrated between the Arab countries that believe in Islam and the Jewish country (Israel) that believes in Judaism. The two parties use wars, terrorist attacks, etc. The two countries have been in confrontation for many years, during which five large-scale Middle East wars (Arab-Israeli conflict) broke out. Even within Islam, there is a struggle over the differences between the two sects, Sunni and Shia. This is also the main reason for the years of civil war in Iraq.

What about the civilians in the Middle East?

A 2018 research report by the School of International Relations at Brown University in the United States pointed out that since the "9·11" terrorist attacks and the United States launched the war on terrorism, at least 500,000 people have died in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Among them, the country with the most civilian deaths is Iraq, with about 180,000 civilian deaths, followed by Afghanistan, and then Pakistan, with about 30,000 civilian deaths in Afghanistan and about 20,000 civilian deaths in Pakistan.

In 2003, the United States officially declared war on Iraq on the grounds that Iraq harbored weapons of mass destruction and secretly supported terrorists. When my friend Shaz's family was displaced from place to place, Iraq was in the midst of a war.

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What does it mean_The status of women in the Middle East_Islamic women in the Middle East Pictures

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What about women in the Middle East?

The status of women in the Middle East has always been controversial. Although there are feminist organizations in Middle Eastern countries, they tend to be smaller and lack significant investment in the political process. Therefore, the improvement of women's status came not from pressure from women's groups but from male members of the political elite who wanted to use legal reform as a tool of social engineering to modernize and industrialize their societies.

Saudi Arabia in the Middle East has always refused to compromise with modernization. There, women suffered persecution beyond what was required by most interpretations of Islamic law, such as being required to wear a veil anytime they appeared in public and being prohibited from driving anywhere in the country (now abolished).

Pictures of Islamic women in the Middle East_The status of women in the Middle East_What does it mean to be a woman in the Middle East

When it comes to the recent situation in Afghanistan, women still face tremendous uncertainty. When the Afghan Taliban first came to power more than 20 years ago, they carried out a series of cruel acts against Afghan women, including beheadings, stonings, and forced wearing of burqas. In the early 2000s, the group ruled Afghanistan under a strict interpretation of Sharia law, banning television, music and movies. Since the militants were ousted from power in Afghanistan's war, Afghan women have made significant career advancement, becoming ministers, mayors, judges and police officers. After regaining power this time, the Taliban claimed that they would protect women in accordance with Sharia law. Even so, with no women in the Taliban's leadership, it remains unclear whether they will form an inclusive government.

17 years of "Afghan Girl"

This "Afghan girl" who was once published in National Geographic magazine is named Gula. In 1984, when the Soviet Union bombed Afghanistan, Gula was placed in a refugee camp and was captured by a photographer. She covered her hair with a red scarf and stared directly at the camera with her sharp sea-green eyes. When the photographer found Gula again 17 years later, she already had three daughters. The fourth daughter died in infancy, and none of the three daughters had received education. At the same time, because Afghans have always believed that women should not appear in the media, Gula's attention for appearing on the cover of National Geographic also put her in danger.

Seventeen years and a lot of attention could not save Gula's fate, and fleeing a war-torn country could not save Shaz's lost family. This is probably the dilemma faced by civilians in the Middle East today, especially Arab women.

I hope that one day, Arab girls like them can seize their own lives.

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After 3.8, Let’s Not Talk About Straight Men’s Cancer, Nor Women’s Rights – Let’s Talk About Muslim Women’s Swimsuits // Left And Right Exchanges

Why didn’t the almighty capitalism let this ancient tradition die completely? And haven’t these Muslim women ever thought about swimming in modern swimsuits? Would a merchant want to sell them a swimsuit?

Friends who have been to Dubai for work and Jordan for study told me that in fact, female Muslims also wear modern swimsuits for swimming, but they have also seen scenes like the one shown in the picture above.

On August 10, 2015, the New Yorker published an article "Exploring the Secrets of Underwear—Chinese Businessmen and the Globalization of Capital" written by the famous journalist Peter He (The Paper compiled the title and changed it to: From Buying Sexy Underwear in Egypt Zhejiang businessmen look at Chinese-style globalization). The details that caught my attention in this article were not the Chinese businessmen, but the description of Muslim women in Egypt after the Arab Spring and the underwear market. The article mentioned that in the more conservative Upper Egypt, Muslim women usually buy sexy underwear before marriage and bring their husbands, mothers, brothers and other relatives and friends with them. What makes such details reasonable is that traditional Muslim women do not stay in the same room with strange men, and Chinese businessmen who sell underwear are generally men. Therefore, once Egyptian Muslim women go shopping in Chinese merchants' underwear stores, they must bring their families with them.

Now that Chinese businessmen can open up the underwear market in Egypt, is it possible for Chinese swimsuits to open up the markets in other Islamic countries? This depends on several main conditions: first, the degree to which the laws and customs of Islamic countries (countries where Muslims account for more than two-thirds of the population) restrict Muslim women in public places; second, whether there are conditions for swimming in Islamic countries and habits; third, whether the population of Islamic countries is large enough; fourth, whether sales channels can be opened.

Taking Arabia as an example, according to existing research, there are different legal regulations on women's clothing in public places. Saudi Arabia, as the holy land of Islam, can be said to have the strictest regulations on women's clothing (you must wear a shirt when going out) veil, and police supervision); while Egypt's laws are much looser and do not stipulate what women must wear when going out. This shows that the laws on women's clothing in Arab countries are not consistent. However, this in itself cannot absolutely explain the relationship between clothing and Muslim women’s social status and modernization. The restriction of traditional clothing does not completely make Muslim women the free souls of restrained women as the media renders them to be. On the contrary, research shows that Arab and Egyptian women are increasingly pursuing higher education and joining men in working in a variety of industries. The Saudi government also encourages female employment and intends to increase the employment rate of women.

Some studies have also pointed out that the traditional costumes of black robes and headscarves already existed when Islam was introduced to the Arab region. Later, this tradition was recognized by Islam, so it was integrated with the religion. This means that the wearing habits of Muslim women can be understood as both religious regulations and customs. Moreover, many studies have shown that Muslim women have different opinions on such traditional wear. Taking Egypt as an example, there are those who support the religious reformists (who support traditional wearing), those who support the secular liberals (who advocate freedom of choice of clothing to a limited extent), and those who support the female empiricists (who avoid political and religious issues and talk about freedom). There are no absolute boundaries between these three factions, but we can see that even within the same Arab country, there are different voices on women's tradition and modernization. It is not like our stereotype that when it comes to Muslim women, they have thick eyebrows, big eyes, hijab, and black robes.

Foucault's genealogical analysis holds true for Muslim women as well. If their extreme categories are defined as very traditional and very modern, then there are many forms in the middle. For example, those who swim in black robes and headscarves are, I think, right between modernity and tradition. They can accept modern swimming places (swimming pools), but resist the use of modern swimsuits; they both accept traditional constraints and are bold. Liberate yourself in public places. And this category of women, I think, are most likely to become women who further liberate the constraints of traditional clothing. In other words, they are potential Muslim swimsuit consumers.

It should be noted that the Middle East and Arabia are different concepts. The Middle East is an informal geographical term that refers to the eastern and southern regions of the Mediterranean, from the eastern Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. There are three points that challenge our stereotypes: 1. The Middle East does not include Afghanistan. 2. The Middle East includes the African country Egypt. 3. The Middle East includes the European part of Turkey (from encyclopedia). And Arabia is a concept of nation. There is overlap between the two. Not all Middle Eastern countries are Arab countries, such as Turkey, Cyprus, Iran, etc.

The picture shows the distribution of Arab countries.

What’s even more shocking is yet to come. According to the latest research data from the Pew Research Center in the United States in October 2009, Muslims in more than 200 countries around the world have exceeded 1.57 billion people, accounting for 23% of the world's total population (calculated based on the world's population of 6.8 billion in 2009). The data is based on demographic statistics from 232 countries and regions and an analysis of more than 1,500 census reports. Currently, more than 60% of Muslims are distributed in Asia, and only about 20% of Muslims are in the Middle East and North Africa, but Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa account for a higher proportion of its national population. Muslims in our country account for one-fifth of the total population.

From this point of view, Egypt is relatively in line with the requirements in terms of population, laws, customs, geographical location, swimming conditions and habits. Among Asian countries, 88% of Indonesia's population believes in Islam and is known as the "Land of Ten Thousand Islands". It is also a country that is more qualified to develop the market for Muslim women's swimwear.

Next, look at the sales channels. If China sells to foreign countries, the most likely way is online sales. The Alibaba Muslim women’s swimsuit sales data (February 14, 2016) collected by a friend (a former fat man who lost 50 pounds in half a year) is as follows:

1. AliExpress (foreign trade retail)

(1) Number of products: 1107 (very few)

(2) Maximum sales volume of a single product: 126 (very few)

(3) The main countries of visitors to the product (number from high to low):

Russia, United States, France, Spain, Brazil, Ukraine, Canada, United Kingdom, Israel, Netherlands

(4) Product payment amount by country (from high to low):

Canada, Netherlands, France, United States, Russia, Spain, Italy

2. Alibaba International Station (foreign trade wholesale)

Number of products: 1979 (very few)

3. Alibaba Domestic Station

(1) Number of products: 80

(2) Maximum sales volume of a single product: 382

4. Taobao (regardless of domestic and foreign)

(1) Number of products: 451

(2) Maximum sales volume of a single product: 16

We can find several points from the above data: 1. On AliExpress, the visitors and transaction volume of Muslim women’s swimwear barely reflect the presence of Middle Eastern countries (except Israel) or Arab countries; 2. The visitors and transaction volume reflect It can be seen that the countries that pay attention to and purchase this product are mainly Europe and the United States; 3. The quantity, style and sales volume of Muslim women's swimsuits are very small. 4. The market for Muslim women’s swimwear (if it exists) has not been significantly developed. 5. Muslim women’s swimwear may not be able to open the market in the Middle East or Arab countries through the Internet. 5. The domestic online market for Muslim swimwear is also sluggish.

The above conclusion may come from several reasons: 1. Muslims in Europe and the United States have the habit of online shopping, but the Middle East or Arab countries may not have the habit of online shopping; 2. The Internet facilities in the Middle East or Arab countries may be relatively scarce; 3. The Middle East or Arab countries have online shopping habits Get used to but don’t use Alibaba’s online shopping platform; etc. 4. Because of the unfamiliarity brought about by religious and cultural barriers, few businesses will challenge Muslim customs and develop the Muslim market.

In this way, we don’t have to jump to the conclusion that the market for Muslim women’s swimwear has no future. We need to look at other situations to eliminate interfering factors. For example, you should look at the sales volume of other products in the Middle East or Arab countries, so that you can determine through comprehensive comparison whether they have online shopping habits; use eBay or other mainstream online platforms to see if there is any trace of them; and then Determine whether these countries have local Internet sales platforms, so that it is possible to determine whether they have online shopping habits through comprehensive comparison. Even if you don’t have the habit of online shopping, is it possible to achieve local sales?

Pictured is a Muslim swimsuit

It should be admitted that the flaw of this kind of data analysis is that we cannot see what these Muslim women themselves think about what kind of clothes they should wear for swimming. Do you have the habit of swimming? What kind of swimsuit is acceptable to them? Where do they usually go to buy? I will go to the interview and I will announce it next time.

After 3.8, I wish the whole world happiness with interesting (hu) articles (shuo)!

Xian Observation | Uncovering The Happiness Of Women In Dubai

Women are not half of society, but the mother of society.

—— Sheikh Maktoum, Ruler of Dubai

Speaking of the United Arab Emirates in the Middle East, most people's first impression is of the extremely luxurious Dubai and the wealthy Middle Eastern tycoons who spend their money like water. As for the traditional women in the UAE, little is known about them, and they may just be conservative images wearing black veils.

Regarding the social status and dress of women in Dubai, we have all talked about it, but in fact it is just some short reports in the news and less than 140 words of hearing on Weibo. After our personal experience here, we used technology to flow Open for you:

All women in Dubai wear black robes?

The clothing worn by Muslim women in the Middle East is called Abaya in the local population, and the headscarf worn on the head is called Shila. When we arrived in Dubai and started shooting, we asked Lisa, our colleague in Dubai, to borrow it. A set of local clothing to prepare for the host's appearance. Lisa, who grew up in the United States, said that the most common and traditional Abaya is the black robe you can see everywhere on the street, but fashionable girls will embroider and sew it. Wearing sequins and lace was said to be full of expectations, but she changed her tune and playfully rolled her eyes and said that she had never worn a black robe in the two years since she came to Dubai, so she had to ask a local girl to help:

The colors of Abaya and Sheila here are relatively uniform: black, blue, and gray. Since the colors cannot be changed, the girls’ thoughts are spent elsewhere. For example, the sleeves of Abaya worn by the host in the picture above are embroidered with colorful embroidery. On flowers, it is said that when Madonna held a concert in the United Arab Emirates, all the girls attending the concert had spy patterns embroidered on the shoulders of their black robes.

Because of the robe added to the body, Middle Eastern women's steps look particularly elegant after putting on high heels. Not only do women slow down their steps and take smaller steps, but local men tell us that since they first wore white robes as children and discovered how easily the clothes get dirty, they have become extra careful when walking and do not dare to wave their hands too much.

In the Gulf region, still conservative countries like Saudi Arabia, women's clothing is strictly restricted, and they must wear black robes and silk scarves to cover their faces in public places. However, in downtown Dubai, you will find that women on the streets dress in different ways. Because there are only 20% locals in Dubai and 80% are from all over the world, bikinis on the beach are not uncommon.

In the suburbs of Dubai, I once had the experience of being asked by locals to skirt above the knees. Respecting customs is part of integrating into the local area. Later, I tried to find clues in the Quran about how to make local women willingly "cover up" their beauty:

"Tell the believing women to lower their gaze, cover their lower bodies, and not to expose their jewelry, unless it is exposed naturally. Tell them to cover their chests with Khimār…"

Later, a passage from a local girl made me reflect. When I think about Islamic women with one-dimensional values, I would think that wearing black robes hides their beauty. In fact, their inner thoughts are:

The most pearl with shell

(The most beautiful pearls are always wrapped in scallops)

What is the Ministry of Happiness?

Because Dubai law allows men to have four wives, many people will think that the status of women here is low. In my opinion, this is not the case. If you marry four wives, they must have the same treatment, house, living expenses, and material aspects must be absolute. same. If you are biased, not only will your conscience be condemned, but you may also bear legal risks.

Even women’s exclusive benefits are not available to many Chinese women:

The women-only carriages for the sake of women's safety have been introduced to you in the previous issue; when I went to buy tickets, I discovered that there was also a women-only ticket window; with the increase in the wealth of women in the Middle East, Islamic Bank opened a women's carriage in Dubai Exclusive banks, according to the 2008 "Middle East Economic Digest" estimate, the wealth held by women in various countries in the Middle East has reached as much as 246 billion US dollars.

As that saying goes, the material base determines the superstructure. On February 10, 2016, after the UAE cabinet was reorganized, 8 of the 29 cabinet ministers were women. What’s even more outrageous is that a new ministry was established named It’s called the “Ministry of Happiness”, and Minister Rumi’s KPI is to increase national happiness.

I asked the locals what exactly does this department do? He said that if you have any difficulties in life, you can report them to this department. Seeing my confused face, he gave me another example. He said that after a middle-aged woman he knew lost her husband, the government gave her a free set of The right to live in a suburban villa allows her and her children to live for free.

Happiness is a goal that humans have pursued for thousands of years. Even in the second feature film, we do our best to explore business opportunities for everyone, but we know that wrapped in a rational business cloak, the core that drives humans to make money is unified. That is the happiness of life.

(November 2016, taken on Dubai Creek)

[Middle East Politics] Oil, Islam And Women | Political Scholar Issue 489

introduction

[Author] Michael Ross (L. Ross) is a professor of political science at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), and is affiliated with the school’s Institute of Environment and Sustainability. His main research directions are political and economic issues in resource-rich countries, as well as issues such as energy politics, civil war, democracy and gender rights.

[Compiler] Xu Wenting (Compiler of National Political Science Scholar, Master's Student of University of Chicago)

【Proofreading】Wang Zechen

【Audit】Li Yuting

【Typesetting】Huang Tingting

【Art Editor】Nie Hanlin

[Source] Ross, L. "Oil, Islam, and women." (2008): 107-123.

Journal introduction

The American Journal of Political Science (of , AJPS) is a comprehensive journal in the field of political science founded in 1957. It is also the official journal of the Midwest Political Science Association (The , MPSA). According to the data, its impact factor in 2019 was 4.271, ranking second among 176 political science journals.

Oil, Islam and Women

Oil, Islam, and Women

L. Ross

Summary

The Middle East has made less progress towards gender equality for women than any other region. Many observers claim this is due to the region's Islamic traditions. This article believes that this is due to oil issues rather than Islam. Oil production also explains why women are lagging behind in many other countries. Oil production reduces the number of women in the workforce and thus their political influence, resulting in oil-producing countries with unusually patriarchal norms, laws, and political systems. This article supports this argument with global data on oil production, women's work patterns and women's political representation, and by comparing oil-rich Algeria with oil-poor Morocco and Tunisia. This argument has implications for the study of the Middle East, Islamic culture, and the “resource curse.”

introduction

Women in the Middle East are less likely to work outside the home and less likely to hold government positions than in other regions. Most observers blame this anomaly on the region's Islamic traditions, with some even claiming that the unfair treatment of Muslim women is part of the cause of the "clash of civilizations" between Islam and the West. But this article argues that the underrepresentation of women in the workforce and government in the Middle East is due to oil issues rather than Islam. Oil and mineral production may also explain the unusually low status of women in many other countries outside the Middle East, such as Azerbaijan, Botswana, Chile, Nigeria and Russia.

Oil production affects gender relations by reducing the presence of women in the workforce. Women's withdrawal from the non-agricultural labor force will increase fertility, reduce women's education, and lower their status in the family; in the field of political life, when women work outside the home less often, they will also be less involved in exchanging information and overcoming collective problems. Action issues, political mobilization, lobbying for expanded rights, and serving in government. This has resulted in an unusually patriarchal culture and political system in oil-producing countries.

This perspective challenges the common belief that “development promotes gender equality” in economic development. This article argues that different kinds of economic development will have different effects on gender relations, depending on whether such economic development encourages women to enter the labor market. The perspective also sheds new light on understanding the “resource curse”: oil and mining production not only affects a country’s government and economy, but also its core social fabric. In addition, this article also has important policy and practical significance.

Article introduction

01

The consequences of women joining the workforce

Social theorists proposed that women could achieve social and political emancipation by working outside the home. First, the female workforce can help increase female school enrollment and literacy rates. When families realize that women can bring income, they will be willing to invest more in health and education. Second, women's entry into the workforce also affected gender relations more broadly, as women working in factories in particular would allow them to connect with each other, share information, and reduce barriers to collective action. Finally, women's participation in the labor force will increase women's political influence for many reasons. For example, working women are more likely to participate in conversations that promote certain political interests, join informal networks that facilitate collective action, and help them improve their civic skills. . Their political motivations will be fueled by being more vulnerable to gender discrimination. Research on women's political participation in developing countries is consistent with these findings.

Research shows that joining the labor force can enhance women's political influence through at least three channels: at the individual level, by affecting women's political views and identities; and at the societal level, by increasing the density of women in the workforce and thus increasing their ability to form significant political networks. Possibility; to increase their economic importance at the economic level and thereby force governments to take their interests into account.

02

Reasons for women’s participation in the workforce

Most women face particular barriers to entering the labor market. Occupational segregation ( ) between men and women tends to reduce the number of jobs open to women and their wages. In theory, women can enter the labor market by persuading governments to adopt anti-discrimination policies, but in practice, when women are excluded from the labor market, they often have only weak political influence, making governments unwilling to act on their behalf.

How do women join the workforce in large numbers despite occupational gender segregation and weak political influence? Since the early days of the Industrial Revolution, the answer to this question has usually come from low-wage, export-oriented industries. These industries do not require physically strong workers or strong vocational skills. At the same time, representatives of these industries, such as textile industry and clothing manufacturing, are regarded as traditional women's jobs, making it possible for women to become a large number of the labor force in these industries. . At the same time, factories mainly engaged in export business are also more inclined to hire women. Research shows that even within the same industry, export-oriented factories tend to hire women at higher wages than factories that focus on the domestic market. This may be due to the fact that export-oriented factories, which are oriented to international markets, can expand more easily and can therefore hire more women without displacing male workers. At the same time, export-oriented factories are more likely to be owned or managed by foreign-owned enterprises, which are less likely to engage in occupational gender discrimination against women for legal or cultural reasons. In addition, export-oriented factories compete in the global market and the need to minimize costs leads them to seek the cheapest labor. Women's wages are generally lower than men's, which also makes export-oriented factories more inclined to hire women.

03

The impact of female participation in the labor force: the case of South Korea

This paragraph introduces the case of South Korea to illustrate the social and political implications of female participation in the labor force. The industrialization of South Korea in the 1960s led to women beginning to work in export factories. Their wages, which are less than half that of men, make them favored employees by employers, which has also contributed to South Korea's economic boom. At the same time, since the 1970s, women working in the export industry have also begun to mobilize more for labor rights and gender equality. In 1987, female activists in South Korea took advantage of South Korea's democratization process to establish the Korean Women's Association Union (KWAU). In the mid-1990s, women's organizations began to promote and seek more representation of women at all levels of government. rights, and achieved fruitful results such as an increase in the number of female legislators and judges. The lobbying power of the women's movement and the increase in the number of women in the government have also caused changes in South Korea's social and political ecology. The government has successively introduced guarantees such as the Gender Equal Employment Act, the Mother and Child Welfare Act, and the Korean Women's Development Basic Act. Women's Rights Act. Export-oriented manufacturing helped Korean women gain a foothold in government by attracting women into the workforce and opened the door to reforming the patriarchal system.

04

How oil production affects women's participation in the workforce

Countries that have newly discovered oil are prone to an economic phenomenon known as "Dutch Disease", characterized by an increase in the real exchange rate and an economic shift from the "traded sector" (agriculture and manufacturing) to the "non-traded sector" (Dutch). construction and services). If we extend the Dutch disease model, we can see how the boom in oil production pushed women out of the labor force in most low-income countries.

In the traditional "Dutch disease" model, the development of oil production will crowd out the production of other traded goods through two mechanisms. First, the influx of foreign currency will raise the real exchange rate, making it cheaper to buy foreign imports than to buy them from domestic producers. Secondly, the new wealth will increase the demand for non-tradable goods, which will lead the labor force from the tradable sector to the non-tradable sector, thereby forming a gap in prices and profits between the two sides, leading to the decline of the tradable sector and the expansion of the non-tradable sector. In the traditional female labor supply model, there are two key factors that affect the number of women in the labor market: One is the general wage of women. When it rises, women are more inclined to enter the market and replace leisure with work. The second is "female non-labor income" ( ), which refers to the income received by a woman's family, but she does not directly earn this income. When household income increases, women are less inclined to enter the labor market to earn another income. When the family income increases, its "reservation wage" (the wage that a woman considers worthy of entering the labor market) will also increase. At this time, only a job with a decent salary will attract her to enter the labor market; and when the family income decreases, women's "reservation wage" will also increase. The "reservation wage" will also be lower, making a woman more inclined to join the labor force even if she is generally paid less.

The traditional "Dutch disease" model has an ambiguous impact on female labor force participation, which would increase prevailing wage levels, making women more motivated to enter the labor market. But at the same time, the increase in general wages has also increased family income levels, which in turn makes women less willing to enter the labor market. When we expand the "Dutch disease" model and consider the factor of occupational gender segregation, we will find that in many developing countries, most women work in the trade sector. This is because many types of work in the non-trade sector require heavy manual labor or Contact with men outside the family. When we assume that there is gender segregation in the labor market, the boom in the oil industry will cause differences in the wages of men and women. In our model, we assume that men only work in non-traded industries and women only in traded industries. As a result of this assumption, the expansion of non-tradable industries brought about by oil will increase the demand for male labor and raise their wages, while the concomitant shrinkage of tradable industries will reduce the demand for female labor and lower their wages. At the same time, the oil boom will also increase women's non-labor income through increases in men's wages and government transfer payments, thus increasing their reservation wages and making them less willing to enter the labor market.

Next, this article relaxes some of the key assumptions of the model and further explores the changes in the female labor force under the oil boom. The model assumes a country has an open economy, but sometimes the governments of oil-producing countries use tariffs and subsidies to protect their tradable sectors. This article believes that this will not affect the conclusions drawn above. First, governments of oil-producing countries tend to protect domestic heavy industry rather than light industry. Second, even if the government protects light industry, once the domestic trade sector obtains government protection, it loses the incentive to compete with imported products and therefore has no incentive to find cheap labor and hire female workers. The model in this article also assumes that the number of working-age men and women in a country is fixed, but many small oil-producing countries import male and female workers from abroad. If the government can introduce male workers from abroad, the wages of domestic male workers will not increase, but the government will still receive a large amount of oil revenue, increase transfer payments, and calmly increase women's non-labor income, which will also make women less willing to enter the labor market. . If the government can bring in female workers from abroad, then the general wage of women will drop to a level lower than the reservation wage for domestic women, which will also hinder domestic women from joining the labor force. Moreover, the addition of male and female migrant workers will expand the size of the domestic labor force. Even if the number of domestic male and female workers does not change, the proportion of the domestic female labor force will also decrease.

If we relax our assumptions about gender occupational segregation and allow men to work in the trade sector, the conclusion remains the same. After the tradable sector shrinks, both male and female workers will lose their jobs, but male workers can enter the non-tradable sector, but women cannot. Therefore, women’s wages will still fall, women’s non-labor income will still increase, and more women will withdraw from the labor market. If women can also enter the non-trading sector, the conclusion will change. At this time, the impact of the development of the oil industry on the proportion of female labor force will become blurred, depending on the degree of increase in women's wages and the increase in women's non-labor income. difference. When women's wages are high enough to exceed the female reservation wage level, there will also be a net increase in the number of women in the labor force. This suggests that oil does not necessarily hurt women's status in countries where women have free access to non-traded industries.

To sum up, the first main assumption of this article’s model is:

H1: An increase in oil production will reduce the number of women participating in the labor force.

As mentioned earlier, women’s political influence is to a certain extent a function of female labor force participation: when the proportion of female citizens participating in the labor force increases, women’s political influence will also increase. Based on this, we can further deduce the second main hypothesis:

H2: Increases in oil production will reduce women’s political influence.

The graphic below shows how oil production has political consequences for women:

Figure 1 How oil production may reduce women’s political influence

05

Data and methods

In order to test the above two hypotheses, this article uses data on oil production and employment rates in all countries from 1960 to 2002, as well as data on female political representation in 2002, to test whether there is a relationship between three core variables: oil, female work patterns and female political representation. Specific statistics related. This paper uses two estimation methods. One is a first-difference model including country fixed effects, using mixed time series cross-sectional data for all countries from 1960 to 2002; the other is a cross-country model with between-group estimators. Includes data for all countries for the last ten years. Fixed-effects first-difference models analyze changes within a country over time, while cross-country models analyze changes between countries.

The structure of the country fixed effects first-difference model is as follows:

The cross-country model structure using the between-groups estimator is as follows:

where i represents the country, t represents the year, and x represents a series of explanatory variables.

The independent variable of this model is oil revenue per capita (Oil Rents Per), which refers to a country’s annual total oil and gas revenue divided by its mid-year total population. This model has two dependent variables. One is female labor force participation (Labor Force), which is based on national survey and census data collected by the International Labor Organization and released by the World Bank. The use of the first-difference model and the removal of agricultural sector labor and migrant workers from the data set solve the problem of inconsistent labor definitions and statistical methods faced by this data. The second is the political influence of women. This article uses two variables to measure it, namely female seats (Seats, which measures the proportion of seats held by women in the country's parliament) and female ministers (, which measures the proportion of women in the country's ministerial officials). ). This model also includes some control variables, such as income (), whether it is a Middle Eastern country (East), the proportion of Muslims in the country's population (Islam), whether it is a communist country (), the proportion of the working-age population (Age), and about the political system Variables: whether it is a proportional representation system ( ), whether it uses a closed list ( List) and political system ( ).

This paper uses three methods to test model robustness: First, to determine whether the estimates are sensitive to influential observations, the authors re-estimate after removing the two most influential countries from the data set. Second, to test whether the cross-country regression results on female labor force participation are limited to the period covered (1993 to 2002), the authors examine the decades 1960 to 1969, 1970 to 1979, and 1980 to 1989. The same model was used in . Finally, to test whether the cross-country model is biased by excluding important regional effects, the authors add a set of regional dummy variables to the model.

06

result

Table 1 Mixed time series cross-national regression (including first difference and fixed effects)

Table 2 Cross-national regression of female labor force

1. Female labor force participation

Oil revenues have a strong negative impact on female labor force participation. In first-difference regression estimates (Table 1), an increase in oil income in a given year is consistently associated with a decrease in female labor force participation in the next year. In the cross-country estimates (Table 2), oil income is also negatively associated with female labor force participation. Variables such as income, Middle East, working age and communism are also related to female labor force participation in the expected direction. The variable Islam is not significant (columns 2 and 4). The estimation results of both models passed the robust test and were consistent with hypothesis H1.

2. Female Representation

Table 3 shows the proportion of women holding parliamentary seats in different types of countries. The table shows that women have better political representation in oil-scarce countries in five of seven categories: high- and low-income, Middle Eastern, Islamic and overall. In the remaining two categories (non-Middle Eastern and non-Islamic), female representation is stronger in oil-rich countries than in oil-poor countries, but this is only true when we include both developed and developing countries in the sample. Once we restrict the sample to developing countries, we again see that women are less represented in oil-rich countries than in oil-poor countries, even among non-Middle Eastern and non-Muslim countries.

Table 3 Number of parliamentary seats won by women in 2002

In cross-country regressions, oil income is negatively related to all three measures of women's political representation. The first column of Table 4 shows that income is associated with higher levels of female representation, while Middle East is associated with lower levels. In column 2, Islam is also associated with fewer seats for women, although it is only significant at 0.10. Column 3 shows that oil income is strongly associated with lower levels of female representation and that including it reduces the coefficient on the Middle East variable by one-third. This also causes the Islamic variable to lose statistical significance at the 0.10 level (column 4). The correlation between oil revenues and female seats is strong: unaffected by the exclusion of the two most influential countries and by regional dummies. The results are also unchanged if women's seats are measured in 1995 (the earliest year available) instead of 2002. Columns 6, 7 and 8 show that the variable “Oil revenue” is robust to the inclusion of control variables for political institutions (polity, proportional representation and closed lists) that may influence women's political representation. The variable measuring the size of the region is not statistically significant, nor is the variable measuring the number of immigrants, which may affect female political representation.

Table 4 Cross-country regression of women’s parliamentary seats

Oil revenue has a similar negative association with female ministers (Table 5). Islam's influence on female ministers is even smaller than its influence on female seats (columns 2 and 4). These results are consistent with hypothesis H2, suggesting that oil production will reduce women's political influence. There is also evidence that female labor force participation helps explain why oil revenues are associated with reduced female representation. Female labor force participation is closely related to female seats, and the addition of female participation leads to a significant decrease in the oil coefficient (Table 3, column 5). Women's labor force participation is not significantly associated with the number of female ministers, although including it renders the oil rents variable insignificant (Table 5, column 5). These results are consistent with the idea that oil production reduces women's political influence by reducing the number of women working outside the home.

Table 5 Cross-country regression of female ministerial positions in 2002

07

Oil and the Middle East

The above regression results show that Islam does not have a statistically significant effect on any of the dependent variables in the model. This means that some measures of women's status in the Middle East can be explained in part by the region's oil wealth rather than its Islamic culture or traditions. This is not true across all dimensions of women's status, however: women's educational attainment (including adult literacy, primary school enrollment and the ratio between male and female school enrollment) is negatively correlated with Islam and does not appear to be affected by oil income Influence. Do the statistical results described above confuse the effects of oil with Arab Islamic culture? The relationship between oil and women's status in the Islamic countries of the Middle East is discussed below.

Figures 3 to 6 are scatter plots showing per capita oil income in each country and four measures of women's status (female labor force participation rate, women's electoral years, proportion of seats held by women in parliament, and proportional gender rights). )The relationship between. Overall, the most oil-rich countries (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) have the fewest women in the non-agricultural workforce, are reluctant to enfranchise women, have the fewest women in parliament, and score lowest on the gender rights index . Countries with little oil (Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, Syria and Djibouti) were the first to enfranchise women and tended to have more women in the workplace and in parliament and score higher on gender rights. The outliers in the scatter plot can be explained by labor outflows. Countries such as Yemen, Egypt, and Jordan are oil-starved, but their proportion of women in the labor force is still very low. This is mainly due to the large amount of labor in these countries flowing to the rich Gulf countries. .

Figure 3 Oil revenue and female labor force participation in the Middle East

Figure 4 Oil revenue and women’s suffrage in the Middle East

Figure 5 Oil revenue and women’s parliamentary seats in the Middle East

Figure 6 Oil revenue and gender rights index in the Middle East

07

Case studies: Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia

The results of the regression analysis point to a statistical link between oil production and female labor force and female representation, but it does not explain why. In order to conduct mechanism analysis, this article selects Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia for case analysis. All three countries were French colonies and all gained independence in the late 1950s and early 1960s. These countries soon granted universal suffrage to women after independence, and the majority of the population was Muslim. The main difference between these three countries is the amount of oil wealth. Algeria has been a major oil producer since the 1960s, with Morocco and Tunisia producing relatively little. There are also differences in the level of female political representation across the three countries, with women holding 6.2% of seats in parliament in wealthy Algeria, compared with 10.8% and 22.8% in oil-starved Morocco and Tunisia. Differences in oil wealth between them can explain their differences in the number of women in the labor force and, in turn, their differences in women’s representation.

The article then uses the aforementioned "Dutch disease" model to analyze the industrial development process of these three countries since their independence. Algeria has formed a huge oil sector due to the discovery of rich oil reserves, while Morocco and Tunisia have developed large-scale textile industries. industry. As a result, women in Algeria have not entered the labor market on a large scale, while women in Morocco and Tunisia have joined the labor force in large numbers due to the expansion of the trade sector. This has led to the increase in the political influence and representation of women in Morocco and Tunisia, and the relative strength of Algerian women. Low political influence and representation.

08

in conclusion

The development of oil and gas resources tends to reduce women's status in the workforce and increase the likelihood of women's political influence, which in turn will reinforce patriarchal systems. This mechanism could help explain the unusually low influence of women in mineral-rich countries and regions such as the Middle East. At the same time, this mechanism will also help us understand the Middle East and Islam. Many observers claim that the unusually low status of women in the Middle East is due to the patriarchal culture of Islam, Arab countries, or the Middle East as a whole. Some also believe that gender inequality in the Middle East is a core reason for the region's failure to achieve democratization. . This article shows that these criticisms are not entirely correct and that the patriarchy prevalent in the Middle East has little to do with Islam and everything to do with its oil-based economy. At the same time, this research can also help us better understand the "resource curse": oil resources not only have an impact on war, democracy, and economic development, but also have an impact on gender relations.

Translator's comments

The status of women in the Middle East and Muslim countries has always been a focus of political science and sociology. Early modernization theories mostly attributed the low economic, social and political status of women in the region to the region's religious and cultural traditions, and even suggested that this was a sign that the region had not yet realized modernization. This article refutes this view to a certain extent by analyzing the impact of oil, which is very helpful for us to better study the social environment and political ecology of the Middle East. In addition, this article studies the relationship between oil and women's status by extending the classic "Dutch Disease" model. The extended analysis of this model has high theoretical significance. The research conclusions of this article can be extended to other regions rich in oil and mineral resources in the world, such as Latin America and Eastern Europe. They have good universality and have strong reference significance.

In terms of writing, the first half of this article focuses on how the development of the oil industry affects women's labor force participation and political influence, and conducts a mechanism analysis, proposing the transmission mechanism of the development of the oil industry – the shrinkage of the trading sector – women's withdrawal from the labor force, and in The second half of the article analyzes the results of this mechanism under different assumptions, which is relatively in-depth. However, the author's mechanism analysis is also based on the assumption that there is "occupational gender segregation" between men and women. The "Dutch Disease" model based on occupational gender segregation is the basis of the entire analytical framework of this article. This article proposes that the low occupational and political status of women in oil countries is mostly due to oil rather than the country’s cultural traditions. But is the phenomenon of “occupational gender segregation” still caused by the country’s historical and cultural traditions? Can the two factors of oil and historical and cultural traditions be completely independent? This is still a problem that researchers need to pay attention to and solve.

The views of the article do not represent the views of this platform. The articles reviewed and shared on this platform are for professional learning purposes and are not for any profit. The content mainly presents an introduction to the original text. Please download the original content through the database purchased by each university.

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Rampage In Harbin – Sharing Of Niche Humanistic And Historical Routes

John Xie

Author of strategy account

Harbin

Rampage in Harbin – Sharing of niche humanistic and historical routes

A runaway trip to Harbin – a small cultural and historical route experience

"As an art student, even though I have graduated N years ago, I still have a deep love for art, architecture, history and culture. If I count the cities I have been to – Beijing, Tianjin, Qingdao, Xiamen, etc., the photos I left behind all have a certain The profound imprints are the buildings left by the semi-colonial and semi-feudal modern history of China. Speaking of this period of history, I looked at the map app and found that Harbin next to it also had a pivotal historical position in that era, so I found a weekend and spent some time there quietly. I wrote down the rampage route and wanted to see those “old men” who had witnessed history.

Three major cultural routes in Harbin – religious churches, ruins left by the Eastern Railway, former foreign consulates in Harbin

Overview:

First of all, the establishment and reproduction of the city of Harbin are inseparable from a name, which is the Middle Eastern Railway, which is the abbreviation of "China Eastern Railway", also known as the "Eastern Qing Railway". After the Russo-Japanese War, it was called the Middle Eastern Railway, which was the name of the Tsarist Russia. The railway was built in order to dominate the Far East and plunder the resources of Northeast China. Construction of the railway officially started in 1898. With Harbin as the center, it was divided into three lines: east, west and south. Construction started at six points facing each other at the same time. Completed in 1903, the opening of the railway brought a large influx of capital, stimulating the rapid development of Eurasian commerce. More than 160,000 expatriates from 33 countries, as well as consulates from 19 countries, gathered and set up in the Eastern Province Railway Company Management Center, Railway Hub of Harbin. It was at that time that the prototype of Harbin as a modern city was formed.

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Mafengwo's itinerary planning was used, and there were a total of 31 locations. After inputting, the itinerary was intelligently optimized. Some of the itineraries were not visited due to time constraints, but most of them were still visited. We also passed by many old buildings from those years. If you have a tight schedule, except for the far away Hulan Catholic Church, you can walk there in one day without actually going inside. I divided it into two days. Go, the time is basically in the afternoon and morning, many exhibition halls are not open when you go, it is a check-in trip. When I walked, I didn't strictly follow the route. I took pictures of old buildings along the way and went in to take a look.

The specific itinerary is as follows

Qiulin Company – Endeavor Food – Revolutionary Leaders Inspected the Heilongjiang Memorial Hall – The Former Site of the French Consulate in Harbin – The Former Site of the British Consulate in Harbin – Heilongjiang Provincial Museum – St. Nicholas Church – The Former Site of the Japanese Consulate in Harbin – The Former Portuguese Consulate in Harbin – The United States Embassy in Harbin The former site of the Consulate in Harbin – the former site of the Czech Consulate in Harbin – the Church of Our Lady of the Guardian – the German Lutheran Christian Church – the former site of the Consulate General of Japan in Harbin – St. Ivel Church – the International Sister Cities Exhibition Hall – St. Sophia Church – the former site of the German Consulate in Harbin – Tartar Tai Mosque – Old Synagogue Concert – New Jewish Synagogue – Former Site of the Italian Consulate in Harbin – Harbin Institute of Technology Museum – Former Site of the Soviet Consulate General in Harbin – Former Site of the Russian Consulate in Harbin – St. Alexeev Church – Mosque – Dormition Church

Former site of Qiulin Trading Company

This Qiulin Trading Company is the oldest and most famous shopping mall in Harbin. Qiulin Company was first founded by the Russian I. Yaqiulin in 1867 in Irkutsk, Russia. In 1900, with the construction of the Middle East Railway A branch was established in Harbin and named "Qiulin Yangxing". After the October Revolution, Qiulin Company moved its headquarters to Harbin Commercial Bank. It was successively run by Tsarist Russian capitalists, British HSBC Bank, Japanese businessmen, and the former Soviet government. In October 1953, it was transferred to my country with compensation. When I was a child, I used to think of Qiulin the most. The main ones are red sausage, big Lieba, and kvass. It is now a comprehensive shopping mall. Although most of the tourists coming here now go to Songlei and Yuanda, it does not prevent Qiulin, a time-honored store, from having its own customer base. The architectural style has strong Baroque characteristics and eclectic architecture.

Address: No. 320, Dongdazhi Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

As the center of Harbin, there is a constant flow of traffic and people in front of the shopping mall, just like this, you can watch the changes in the city over the past century.

Above the four characters of Qiulin Company is the word 1900, showing the long history of this building.

Fendou Road non-staple food mall

This shopping mall is opposite Qiulin Shopping Mall. Although it is not an old building, it has the most authentic and complete range of food in the Harbin local market. When I was in school, I remember that I would buy some snacks every time I passed by.

Similarly, you will often see long lines here to buy red sausages. In addition to eating them yourself, many of them are for souvenirs for relatives and friends.

Revolutionary leaders inspect Heilongjiang Memorial Hall

Built in 1909, it was originally a luxurious residence built by Polish timber merchant Gowalis. The building ranges from the private residence of the Polish timber merchant to the high-level club of the China Eastern Railway during the Japanese and puppet period, and the residence of the Soviet Red Army commander in Kazakhstan during the liberation of Northeast China. , the office of the head of the Northeast Democratic Alliance Army during the War of Liberation, and then a school for the children of Northeast Democratic Alliance Army cadres. After liberation, it became the guest house of the Harbin Municipal Government of Songjiang Province. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, party and state leaders Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Zhang Wentian, and Song Qingling The older generation of proletarian revolutionaries all used to work and live here when they came to Heilongjiang for inspection. The revolutionary leader inspected the Heilongjiang Memorial Hall, which was built in 1975 and opened to the public free of charge in February 2008.

Use your ID card in exchange for tickets at the gate, and still use your ID card for verification after entering. Photography is not allowed inside the entire building. The architectural decoration inside can be seen to be very exquisite. The items on display are all photos of our country's national leaders who came to Heilongjiang Province for inspection. Well worth a visit. The architectural style is imitation of French classical mansion-style architecture.

Address: No. 1, Yiyuan Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

Looking at the attic window on the upper floor of the building, it feels a bit like Doctor Strange's New York club

It is conceivable that this exquisite building would have been very conspicuous without being surrounded by so many modern shopping malls.

There are windows on all four sides of the attic, so you can imagine that the lighting is very good.

The former site of the French Consulate General in Harbin

Address: No. 3, Yiyuan Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in 1914, it is a brick-concrete structure with a classical architectural style. It was originally the private residence of the Jewish businessman Leonki Shayevich Skidelsky. This building is also full of historical legends. First, let’s talk about its builder. Skidelski is a Jewish family. This family is closely related to Harbin. It was once extremely wealthy. The Portuguese embassy and synagogue that appeared later were all the properties of their family. Talking about this building, this The building was built by Skidelski's third son, Solomon. It was originally built for his father, Skidelski. Unfortunately, the old Skidelski never came here in his life. It was later leased to the French government for use in France. Consulate in Harbin. Later, in August 1918, it became the field transportation department when Japan sent troops to Soviet Russia. Later, it became the location of the headquarters of the Japanese secret service in Harbin. After liberation, No. 3 Yiyuan Street was used by the Heilongjiang Provincial Government. In 1950, when Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai visited Su Guiguo for inspection in Harbin, Zhou Enlai lived in this building. It is now the Heilongjiang Provincial Veteran Cadre Activity Center, and visitors are not allowed inside.

This building is the best preserved of all existing foreign consulates.

The year of construction of the same building is clearly displayed on the upper floor, but I don't think the year was originally marked.

The former site of the Dutch Consulate in Harbin

Address: No. 124, Hongjun Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in 1921, it was first used as the head office and residence of "Cheschakov Tea House". Later, the Dutch Consulate in Harbin was established in 1915, located on Daoli Shuidao Street (Zhaolin Street). In 1921, it moved to Fuhua Street, Nangang District, and later to the "Cheschakov Tea House" located at No. 124, Red Army Street in front of the current station. Later, due to insufficient business, it was announced to be closed down on July 12, 1922. After liberation, it became the Harbin Railway Trading Company, and after the 1990s it became the current camera shop.

The former site of the Russian Consulate General in Harbin

Address: No. 85, Hongjun Street, Nangang District, Harbin

It was built in 1901 and completed in February 1903. Belonging to the "Art Nouveau" architectural style, this is the first building on Red Army Street. It was originally the Eastern Railway Administration Hotel. In 1937, when the Japanese army invaded China and Harbin was occupied, it became the "Damato Hotel" for receiving military and political dignitaries. After liberation, this was the expert building that received experts from the former Soviet Union. In 1968, it became Harbin Railway Hospital and later changed to Railway Guest House. In October 1997, it was designated as the VIP Building of Longmen Building. This building should be the best-preserved consulate. Over the past century, it has witnessed many important events in Harbin’s modern history. Room 215 has also housed the Puyi couple and General Zhang Xueliang. The hotel has also been the location for many film and television dramas, such as "Harbin at Night"

The former site of the British Consulate General in Harbin

Address: No. 69, Hongjun Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in 1919, it served as the British Consulate General in Harbin in the 1930s and 1940s. After liberation, the building at No. 69 Hongjun Street was the office of the Heilongjiang Provincial Department of Education. Later, he worked in a trading company and even a restaurant. The southwest corner of the first floor caught fire in 2004 and was left idle afterwards. It is now used as a wedding photography studio. As the first established capitalist country to open the door to China, the United Kingdom also has a considerable influence on Harbin. We are familiar with it. The process of stuffing red sausage was brought by the British. In 1913, British businessman Ma Qian and others invested heavily in the establishment of Binjiang Products British Import and Export Co., Ltd., also known as the Chicken and Duck Company. The processing plant is located in District 8 of Daowai (Fujiadian). No. 1 British Street, mainly engaged in livestock and poultry slaughtering and meat processing, is one of the first three well-known enterprises in Harbin. It is also the earliest enterprise in Harbin to produce meat-filled products such as red sausage, and its canned products are exported to all over the world. This is the predecessor of the now nationally famous Kazakhstan Meat Federation.

According to rumors, the structure here is intricate, and there seems to be an underground passage leading directly to the train station.

Like most old buildings in Harbin, the appearance is maintained and the interior is hollowed out. It no longer looks like an old building, but only has a charm.

The small sculptures outside still feel a bit like those days.

The former site of the Italian Consulate in Harbin

Address: No. 63, Hongjun Street, Nangang District, Harbin

The building was built in 1919 with a brick-concrete structure in an eclectic style dominated by Baroque. It was originally named "Gibelo Soco Building". This name comes from the owner who built it: Italian Peter Ivanovich ·Gibello Soko. In 1920, Italy established a consulate in Harbin, and Gibelo Soco was appointed as the first consul. During the Japanese puppet period, it served as the Japanese military police headquarters. After liberation, it was managed by an electric power company and used by the electric power company as a warehouse, kindergarten and canteen. After the Electric Power Building was completed in 1987, the building has been hidden inside and lived in darkness. The Electric Power Building, which was 24 years old in 2011, was finally demolished after ten years of discussion about its demolition. The consulate finally "sees the light of day". Now you can see the restored building scene at the Harbin Tourist Service Center, and the exquisite fence at that time is still there.

Meyerovich Building

Address: No. 374, Dongdazhi Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

The Meyerovich Building is also called the Meyerovich Palace. This cream-yellow European-style building standing on the southeast side of Hongbo Square was historically called the Lotus Art School. The building was built in 1921, and the designer was Yu P. Zhdanov. With classical columns as the architectural theme, it is a typical French Renaissance style building. Initially, the first floor of "Meierovich Palace" was the Popivozhensky Hospital founded in March 1921. In the 1920s, it was here It became a gathering place for Russian intellectuals who fled to Harbin after the October Revolution. The Russian painter Kichkin came to Harbin and opened the famous "Lotus Art Studio" on the third floor. Later it became the Qiulin Company Staff Club. After liberation, it became the Harbin Children's Palace. At that time, it was especially famous for cultivating many young table tennis players. From here came generations of national table tennis players such as Han Yuzhen and Kong Linghui.

Heilongjiang Provincial Museum

Address: No. 64, Hongjun Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

Business hours: Tuesday to Sunday every week, closed all day on Monday, except holidays.

Summer: From April 1 to October 7, from 9:00 am to 17:00 pm, invoices will be stopped at 16:00 pm.

Winter: From October 8th to March 31st, from 9:00 am to 16:00 pm, invoices will be stopped at 15:00 pm.

Tickets: Visitors can collect tickets for free at the invoice counter at the entrance of the museum with valid ID.

Founded in 1906, the main building is a European Baroque building, the site of the original Russian shopping mall. With the establishment of the Middle East Railway, Russian scholars first initiated the establishment of a museum and converted the original Moscow shopping mall (now the main building of the Provincial Museum) into the exhibition hall of the research association. , on June 12, 1923, the Eastern Province Cultural Relics Research Association Exhibition Center was established here and opened to the public. During the Puppet Manchukuo Period, it served as the Institute of Cultural Relics of the Puppet Northern Manchuria Special Zone. After liberation, it was changed to the Harbin Heilongjiang Provincial Museum Institute of Science and Technology. In 1951, China took over and was renamed Songjiang Provincial Science Museum; in 1953, it was renamed Songjiang Provincial Museum; in 1954, it was renamed Songjiang Provincial Science Museum. After Songjiang Province was merged into Heilongjiang Province, the Songjiang Provincial Museum and the Heilongjiang Provincial Museum Preparatory Office merged and were originally called the Heilongjiang Provincial Museum.

Vostroumov Mansion

Address: No. 38, Hongjun Street, Nangang District, Harbin

It is an outstanding architectural work of the Art Nouveau trend in the early 20th century. It has a construction area of ​​776 square meters and a height of 12 meters. It was originally the office of the Eastern Railway Administration. From 1921 to 1924, it was the director of the Eastern Railway Administration, Vostro Umo. The husband's official residence belongs to the Art Nouveau architectural style.

The former site of the Consulate General of Japan in Harbin

Address: No. 351, Huayuan Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

The old consulate building was demolished in 2001 and is now the newly built Huayuan Primary School building. It was once the dormitory of the "731" members, "Baihualiao", which was famous for imprisoning the famous Korean martyr An Jung-geun. Now we can only look at the old address and the new school building.

The former official residence of the Consulate General of Japan in Harbin

Address: No. 298 Guogeli Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

Built in 1920, the brick-concrete structure is based on classicism and incorporates Renaissance and "Baroque" eclectic architectural styles. Before 1945, it was the official residence of the Japanese Consulate. In 1945, the Soviet Red Army sent troops to Northeast China. This building was occupied by the Soviet army and became the office of the Political Department of the Soviet Red Army Garrison Area Headquarters. In March 1947, it became the Harbin Soviet Higher Music School. After liberation, it became Suqiao Middle School. In 1958, it became the Foreign Affairs Office of Heilongjiang Province and continues to this day.

The former site of the German Consulate General in Harbin

Address: No. 22, Ashhe Street, Nangang District, Harbin City. It was built in the 1930s. It is a brick and wood structure with Renaissance architectural style. The doors, windows and some building components have been replaced. It is now the library of Garden Primary School and cannot be visited.

Former Portuguese Consulate Site

Address: No. 39, Ashhe Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in 1912, it is a brick and wood structure, imitating the architectural style of the Renaissance. This is the private residence of the two brothers Solomon and Simon, the third eldest son of the Skidelsky family. It was built earlier than the previous No. 3 Yiyuan Street. It was earlier. Later, Solomon founded the Muling Coal Mine Corporation and worked here. However, the brothers usually lived in the Madier Hotel and rarely lived here.

The former site of the U.S. Consulate General in Harbin

Address: No. 289, 291-1, 291, 293, 293-1, Dongdazhi Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in the 1920s (the specific time and historical data are unknown), it is a brick and wood structure with an eclectic architectural style. After the outbreak of the Pacific War, it was closed by the Japanese and puppet authorities. The last consul, Louis Guerre, and all the embassy staff were under house arrest in the embassy for half a year. At that time, the oil market in Harbin was monopolized by the United States.

Former Soviet and Czechoslovak Consulates in Harbin

Address: No. 52, Jilin Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in 1905, it has a brick and wood structure and a classical architectural style. It was originally the private residence of the famous Jewish businessman Kroll in Harbin. It served as the Consulate General of the Soviet Union in Harbin from 1924 to 1927. On June 13, 1931, the Czech Consulate in Harbin moved here from Dongdazhi Street. It opened on September 12 and later moved to Nangang Jianshe Street. After 1937, it became the liaison station for the "731" unit of the Japanese invaders, and was called the "731" Jilin Street Branch. There is a relief sculpture of a big eagle spreading its wings on each of the windows on the left and right, which is called the Big Eagle Tower by the people nearby. You can see that I took the photo when the lanterns were first lit. This time period really shows the dilapidation of this building now. It is really not the reason why I took the photo. Time is really cruel to these old buildings.

hagia sophia

St. Sophia Church is a Byzantine-style Orthodox church built in 1907. It is redundant to introduce it. It is already the business card of Harbin city. Like most churches left by Tsarist Russia, this church is also a military church. After passing After several renovations, it became the current scale. During this period, it was also used as a shopping mall warehouse in the New 100. It is now open to the public as the "Harbin Architectural Art Museum".

Central Avenue

It is another iconic location in Harbin, starting from the Flood Control Memorial Tower Square on the riverside in the north and connecting to Xinyang Square in the south, with a length of 1,400 meters. This long street was built in 1900. The street buildings include 71 buildings in various styles such as Renaissance and Baroque. The rise of Central Street can be traced back to when Tsarist Russia came here to build the Middle East Railway. The urban construction that followed was first called "China Street". The Middle East Railway Engineering Bureau gave the wasteland along the river to the Chinese scattered in Harbin, and it was formed in 1900. "China Street" means the street where Chinese people live. In addition to various old buildings, there are now several well-known Russian-style Western restaurants with a long history on the street, such as: Huamei Western Restaurant, Madier Western Restaurant, Tadous Western Restaurant, etc.

The former site of the German Consulate in Harbin

Address: No. 10, 12, and 18, West Erdao Street, Daoli District, Harbin

Built in the 1920s, the Renaissance architectural style is different from the other gray building style. The color of this building is brighter. The doors, windows and some building components have been replaced, and the walls have been renovated. However, the current color It's not as new as when it was first renovated.

Former site of Municipal Administration Bureau of Eastern Province Special Region

Built in 1921, it imitates the style of classical architecture. On February 5, 1921, the Eastern Province Special Region Municipal Administration was established and announced that it would take over the municipal power of Harbin and the Middle East Railway. Only then did the municipal power of Harbin truly return to the hands of the Chinese. This small building built in 1921 on Shangshi Street in Butou District (now Hongxia Street in Daoli District) was the location of the Municipal Administration Bureau of the Eastern Provincial Special Region. After 1926, it became the Public Works Office of Harbin Special City. Now as the Harbin Center for Disease Control and Prevention, it is very close to Central Street. You may pass by here inadvertently and look up at this old building.

Tatar Mosque

Address: No. 08, Tongjiang Street, Daoli District, Harbin City (formerly No. 58 Paodu Street)

It was built in 1901 as an Arab mosque influenced by Byzantine style. Tatars refer to Russian Yitrers with black curly hair and Turks living in East Asia. The Tatars were one of the first Russian ethnic minorities to arrive in Harbin with the construction of the Middle East Railway.

In 1953, the Tatar Mosque was leased to the Harbin Branch of the China Hardware and Machinery Company. It was borrowed by the People's Armed Forces Department of Daoli District in 1966. During the Cultural Revolution, it served as a military ammunition warehouse and a civilian warehouse. In 2001, the city government returned it to the Municipal Islamic Association.

Jewish high school

The foundation stone was laid on October 1, 1917, and the school was completed and opened in December 1918. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, a wave of anti-Semitism and anti-Semitism broke out in Tsarist Russia, and a large number of Russian Jews immigrated abroad. Harbin once became the largest Jewish settlement center in the Far East. The other center was Shanghai. The predecessor of this Jewish middle school was a five-year Jewish primary school, teaching in Russian and learning Hebrew. After liberation, it became the site of Harbin No. 41 Middle School and Harbin Korean No. 2 Middle School. Now the signboard of Glazunov School of Music and Art has been hung up again, and various talent training courses are held.

Harbin Old Hall Concert Hall

Address: No. 82, Tongjiang Street, Daoli District, Harbin City

The foundation stone was laid on May 3, 1907, and it was completed and opened on January 15, 1909. It was historically known as the "Harbin Synagogue" and "Harbin Old Jewish Synagogue". The Harbin Synagogue was opened from 1909 to 1963 when it was closed. After 1963, The building was taken over by Harbin Vehicle Factory. It has been used by Harbin Vehicle Factory Hospital, Harbin Vehicle Factory Guest House, Railway Youth Travel Agency and other units. Now the old synagogue has restored its former glory of Western chamber music, and holds various concerts from time to time.

new synagogue

Address: No. 162, Jingwei Street, Daoli District, Harbin

Tickets: 25 yuan for adults; 12 yuan for seniors (60-64 years old), students, and active military personnel; free for seniors (over 65 years old) and children (under 1.2 meters)

The Hasidic Synagogue was built in 1918 with an Arabic architectural style. It is called the new synagogue because it is compared to the old synagogue of the Tongjiang Street Jewish Center. After the liberation of Harbin, Jewish expatriates began to leave the country one after another around 1950. The New Jewish Synagogue closed in 1956, and its original location was once the Municipal Public Security Bureau Club Guesthouse. It was renovated in 2004 and is now the "Harbin Jewish History and Culture Museum".

Danish Consulate Former Site

Address: No. 89 Tiandi Street, Daoli District, Harbin. It was built in 1920. It is an elegant and unique eclectic style European-style building. In November 2007, it was planned to transform the building into the Harbin International Sister City Exhibition Hall. It was officially opened in January 2009. , free and open to the public.

St. Yver's Church

Address: Factory Hutong, Jihong Street, Daoli District, Harbin (the factory Hutong was removed after the completion of the North Square of Harbin Railway Station and is located on Digong Street)

Construction started on May 27, the 33rd year of Guangxu (1907), and was completed in 1908. It is an eclectic building with a brick and wood structure. 20 meters northwest of Iver Church, there is an orphanage affiliated with the church built in 1924. Iver Church is also the only historical religious building in Harbin that has auxiliary buildings preserved. In the same year, the Sophia Church was built. Because both were military churches, the Iver Church and the Sophia Church were called "sister" churches. With the reconstruction of the north square of the train station, the church was restored and improved, and the orphanage was also restored. However, the restored church lost its original flavor and looked much newer.

You can see the church from the north exit of the train station

When searching for information on the Internet, I can see photos of the church when the North Square was renovated and demolished. The color of the wall is similar to that of Saint Sophia, but the building is extremely dilapidated, and due to the damage caused by the Cultural Revolution, the church roof above is missing. Got it

You can compare the information photos you found online (if there is any infringement, tell me and I will delete it)

The outside of the orphanage was also renovated, and the entire wall was painted as if it had just been built.

Our Lady of the Guardian Church

Address: No. 268, Dongdazhi Street, Nangang District, Harbin City

Harbin Our Lady's Church, also known as the Harbin Our Lady's Guardian Church and the Ukrainian Church. Its Russian transliteration is Baklovskaya Church. The Orthodox church was originally a Russian cemetery. A stone structure prayer house was originally built in the cemetery. It was about 100 meters tall. 2 meters, with a statue of the Virgin and a candlestick inside. Construction of the wooden church began in 1922. It is a typical Byzantine Orthodox church.

Former Orthodox cemetery prayer pavilion. It was built in 1920 to pray for the souls of fallen soldiers and was discontinued in 1930.

After the service, people gathered around the door to chat. They wanted to go in for a visit, but were politely refused.

Opposite the church is the Cathedral of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, which was originally St. Stanislav's Church in Nangang (Polish Catholic Church). It is a Catholic church built by Polish expatriates. It was rebuilt in 2004 as a new building.

Christian Nangang Chapel

Address: No. 252, Dongdazhi Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Founded in 1914, the design style is a German Gothic church. Due to historical reasons, the church was forced to close in 1967. Since the Third Plenary Session of the Party Central Committee in 1978, the church was returned and restored in 1980. Now it is open every weekend There were believers worshiping, and I went in to take a look. The people were very enthusiastic.

Former China Eastern Railway Association Office Building

Address: No. 78, Company Street, Harbin

Built in 1908, it was originally the headquarters of the China Eastern Railway Association, and is said to be the residence of senior officials of the China Eastern Railway. At present, there are only three such buildings in Harbin, and the two are located at No. 38 Hongjun Street (as written before, now KFC) and No. 236 Zhongshan Road, Nangang District, inside the First Flying Academy of the Air Force. The architectural history is almost as big as the city of Harbin. From May 1946 to April 1949, he successively served as the deputy commander of the Northeast Democratic Allied Forces General Headquarters, the commander of the Western Manchuria Military Region, the commander of the Songhua River Defense Command Command, and the Northeast Railway General Administration General Lu Zhengcao, the director, political commissar and deputy minister of the Ministry of Railways of the Military Commission, once lived. The first floor is now a cafe.

Former Russian Consulate General in Harbin

The building was completed in 1906, with two floors above ground and one underground floor. In 1909, the Russian Consulate General moved in. In 1920, Harbin Sino-Russian Industrial School was established. This building, which was once the Russian Consulate General in Harbin, became the site of the Sino-Russian Industrial School. Entering the new century, Harbin Institute of Technology decided to use this century-old building on Company Street as the site of the Harbin Institute of Technology Museum. On the eve of the 90th anniversary of Harbin Institute of Technology in 2010, the Harbin Institute of Technology Museum was opened at No. 59 Company Street.

The former site of the Consulate General of Russia and the Soviet Union in Harbin

A very legendary building, No. 22 Yao King Street originally had four office buildings in the courtyard. Building 3 has been demolished due to serious damage. The earliest building was built in 1902 by the construction unit of the Eastern Railway to welcome Horvat. Horvath was the chief representative of the Russian Czar in Northeast China and the director of the China Eastern Railway Bureau at the time. In 1911, the Russian Consul General in Harbin moved into this courtyard from Company Street. After the October Revolution, many exiled personnel from the Belarusian regime gathered, including Semenov, the leader of the Tsarist Guards. It has also become the official residence of General Pleskov, the commander-in-chief of the Russian army attached to the China Eastern Railway, and the base of the exiled Belarusian regime established by Admiral Kolchak, commander of the Russian Black Sea Fleet.

In 1927, the Soviet Consulate General in Harbin moved here from the former Jewish businessman Kroll's residence at No. 52 Jilin Street (later the Czechoslovak Consulate in Harbin). From then until 1962, it became the Consulate General of the Soviet Union in Harbin.

After liberation, there were many legendary experiences here, and now it is said that it has been taken back to be used as the Russian consulate in Harbin. This is also a beginning and an end.

St. Alexeev's Church

Address: No. 47, Shike Street, Nangang District, Harbin

Built in 1931, it is a typical Russian-style building. It was originally an Orthodox church. It was restored and converted into a Catholic church in 1980. St. Alexeev's Church was originally the Princess Ridge Army Church. After the deployment, it was moved to the Russian Army. Here, on February 25, 1912, a wooden church was built at the current site (it was demolished on July 13, 2000 during the renovation of the surrounding environment). In October 1930, construction began next to the wooden church. This existing brick and stone church was completed on October 6, 1935. After the "Cultural Revolution", the relevant departments carried out comprehensive repairs on the church and assigned it to the Harbin Catholic Church. During the Christmas season of 1980, the church was officially opened to the public.

mosque

Address: No. 108, Tongjiang Street, Daoli District, Harbin City

Built in the 23rd year of Guangxu (1897), it was originally called Harbin East Mosque and formerly known as Binjiang Mosque. It was originally divided into the East Temple, the West Temple and the Women's Temple. In 1958, the East Temple merged with the West Temple and the Women's Temple, and the East Temple was opened and called the Harbin Mosque. The Harbin Mosque has a total area of ​​0.016 square kilometers and is the largest Islamic mosque in the Northeast. The main hall is 13 meters high and can accommodate 500 to 600 people. The back kiln hall has a 21.75-meter-high minaret (commonly known as the Moon Tower). Behind the mosque, there are many butcher shops selling beef and mutton, as well as halal restaurants. I think they should be delicious. , you can try it if you like it.

Dormition Church

Address: Harbin Cultural Park, No. 208 Nantong Street, Daowai District, Harbin, also known as the Assumption Church, also known as Uspinkaya Church. It was originally built with funds from the China Eastern Railway Administration and donations from believers. In the late 1980s, the Harbin Municipal Government invested in it Make repairs. This place was changed to "Harbin Amusement Park".

A Large Number Of Rockets Attacked The Mainland, And The Military Ordered A Revenge Operation Overnight. The United States: The Situation Is Over

Pictured is a rocket attack

Recently, according to media reports, when Israel is facing internal and external troubles, the Hamas armed forces suddenly launched an attack on Israel, launching a large number of rockets to attack the mainland of Israel, a major country in the Middle East. Faced with such a war formation, Israel also actively counterattacked. The military ordered a revenge operation against Hamas overnight. Subsequently, the armed forces suffered violent retaliation from Israeli fighter planes and suffered heavy losses. In a series of previous operations, Israel had beaten the Hamas armed forces into pieces. This time it was hit again on such a scale, and the United States also said: Hamas is now gone.

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The picture shows Hamas armed forces

In fact, the conflict between Palestine and Israel has been going on for a long time. Israel restored its state in Palestine with the help of the United States, and this land originally belonged to Palestine. Faced with the occupation of its own land, Palestine will naturally not agree. Therefore, this country has also launched a counterattack against Israel. However, in many Middle East wars, even other Middle Eastern powers have not been able to take advantage of attacks on Israel. Instead, Israel has become stronger and stronger in the war. What ability does Palestine have to deal with Israel? Woolen cloth?

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Pictured: Hamas rockets

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Therefore, Hamas in Palestine changed its strategy and instead used rockets to attack Israel. Because the rockets are powerful and have a long range, and the cost is very cheap, Hamas can use a large number of rockets to fight back against Israel. It can be said that the rockets launched by Hamas also posed a huge threat to Israel. Faced with the threat, Israel immediately developed the Iron Dome air defense system to counter the rockets.

It is undeniable that the interception efficiency of the Iron Dome air defense system is very high. Simple rockets launched by Hamas can be easily intercepted by the Iron Dome system. More importantly, the Iron Dome system can also calculate the trajectory of the rocket. , thereby prioritizing the selection of rockets that may pose a threat for interception, thereby reducing the cost of interception. It is under the protection of the Iron Dome that Israel can be safe.

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Pictured is the Iron Dome air defense system

Every time Hamas fires a rocket, Israel will rely on its air force advantage to launch a surprise attack on the rocket launch site. Israel's counterattack also caused heavy losses to Hamas, but the armed forces did not stop there and continued to attack the rocket launch site. More attacks may be launched in the future. Once Hamas continues to carry out saturation attacks on Israel, it will be difficult for the country to bear it, because the interception cost of Iron Dome is still relatively high. Hamas can use economic means Bring down Israel.

Nowadays, the conflict between Israel and Palestine has also caused the situation in the Middle East to become tense. Israel not only has tense relations with Palestine, but also has tense relations with Lebanon, Syria, and the Middle East power Iran. Now Israel continues to go its own way, and very soon Reports may lead to the outbreak of war in the Middle East. It seems that all countries in the Middle East need to remain calm this time.

20 Years Since The “9·11” Incident: The Only One Who Can Destroy Hegemony Is Itself

On September 11, 2021, it will be exactly 20 years since the "9·11" incident occurred.

The world is a very different place than it was 20 years ago.

"9·11" incident scene (Source: Xinhua News Agency)

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In 1999, a game called "-" was launched, translated as "Counter-Strike". There are clearly divided camps in the game, with terrorists on one side and anti-terrorist police on the other. Players can choose either side, holding popular battlefield firearms such as the American-made M4 or the Soviet-made AK-47, and fight their opponents in narrow streets, dusty fortress warehouses, or in ice and snow.

CS is a phenomenal game. At the end of the last century, when the Internet had not yet become a universal application, if you walked into almost any Internet cafe, you could hear the sound of whizzing bullets, the blast of grenades, and the shouts of "Me" and "Roger that". Countless young people have learned about the existence of "terrorists" in the world through this game.

Two years later, three hijacked passenger planes crashed into the core areas of New York and Washington, USA. A corner of the Pentagon collapsed, and the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center collapsed. Thick smoke billowing from the east coast of the United States was broadcast around the world through television images.

September 11, 2001, became a moment that rewrote history. The then US President George W. Bush quickly delivered a speech, saying that the United States was deliberately attacked by terrorists, and that the United States, its allies, and all peace-loving people around the world would fight side by side.

Since then, "anti-terrorism" has become a hot topic in world politics, and the United States has embarked on a 20-year "anti-terrorism" road.

Aerial photos of the collapse of the World Trade Center Twin Towers (Source: US media)

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The number one suspect of "9·11" was quickly identified by the US government as the leader of Al Qaeda – bin Laden. This former rich man in the Middle East who fought against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan was once a target of support from the United States.

Time has changed, and in October 2001, the United States announced an attack on terrorist organizations and Taliban targets in Afghanistan. There is a huge disparity in military strength between the two sides. The U.S. military's offensive was overwhelming and overthrew the Taliban government. The latter's armed forces were completely defeated. But it was not until 10 years later that senior U.S. officials, including Obama and Hillary Clinton, watched the battle process in which bin Laden was killed in the White House war room.

In May 2011, Obama, Biden, Hillary and other US security officials watched real-time video of the operation to kill Bin Laden.Source: US media

Perhaps inspired by the smooth progress of the war in Afghanistan, in 2003, the United States bypassed the United Nations Security Council and united with its allies to launch a unilateral military attack on Iraq on the grounds that Iraq contained "weapons of mass destruction." Amidst the blasts of countless Tomahawk cruise missiles, the US military quickly captured Baghdad and other major cities, and within a month took control of almost the entire territory of Iraq.

U.S. troops tore down Saddam statue in Iraq.Source: US media

Since then, the United States has chosen to deploy additional troops to Afghanistan, Iraq and other countries in an attempt to re-establish political order there. Take Afghanistan as an example. According to statistics from the New York Times, tens of thousands of additional troops were sent to Afghanistan during Obama's tenure alone. By 2010, the number of U.S. troops stationed in Afghanistan increased to 100,000, and the total number of foreign troops stationed in Afghanistan reached 150,000.

In the "first half" of the United States' comprehensive strategy for the Middle East, no one could have imagined that the war on terrorism would last 20 years, and no one would have thought that the final chapter of the war on terrorism would be as hasty as the "Kabul moment."

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The war on terrorism that has just begun has the support of most countries in the world. As the public enemy of mankind, terrorism adopts indiscriminate attacks, violent killings and terror-inducing methods, which are severe challenges to modern countries and social order. Any government with legitimacy will fight against its own terrorist forces. This is an international consensus and a well-known example.

But in the "second half" of America's war on terror, things started to look different.

In 2004, the United States launched the "Greater Middle East Democracy Plan," stating that "only if the Middle East becomes a land of freedom and democracy will it not become a hotbed of terrorism." In 2011, on the 10th anniversary of the "9/11" incident, Obama once again reiterated that the United States would leave the Middle East theater to "free peoples and sovereign governments" and promised to "end ten years of war and embrace a peaceful future."

If the previous anti-terrorism logic of the United States was to attack anyone who carried out terrorist attacks, this has quietly changed. According to this American theory, only when there is freedom and democracy in the Middle East can there be peace. Even according to reasoning, any regime deemed "evil" and "terrorist" by the United States can carry out military strikes. Therefore, the United States decided to transform the political structure and implement de facto political experiments in military-occupied countries thousands of miles away from its homeland. For those small countries that are disobedient, the United States is not afraid to use force.

At that time, the United States and its allies were full of confidence and never had any doubts about "transforming the Middle East." Under the banners of "human rights above sovereignty" and "humanitarian intervention", almost nothing is off-limits, including cultivating agents, inciting rebellion, assassinating people, providing weapons and ammunition, and training anti-government armed forces. It was not until 2021 that former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who had followed the United States to participate in the war, reflected that promoting democratic experiments in different countries was a "childish delusion."

Some people ask, why did the originally "just" war on terrorism end up becoming an invasion? Why is it that after 20 years of war on terrorism, terrorist forces that have been attacked one after another by the United States are still emerging one after another?

The answer probably lies not in the military. Indeed, the U.S. military strength is still unique in the world. But when the "just troops" of the war on terrorism are gradually regarded as "invasion troops" by the host country, when the "beacon of democracy and freedom" is gradually regarded as the "source of chaos" by the invading country, when the powerful military power cannot be used to hedge against the invading country, it will cause harm to the invading country. A huge disaster will arise, and the feeling of powerlessness will arise spontaneously, and the change of order will become inevitable.

In June 2003, people fled an explosion site in Kabul.Source: Xinhua News Agency

You can look at a set of data.

According to United Nations statistics, the war in Afghanistan forced 2.7 million people to flee overseas and 4 million people were displaced in Afghanistan. In recent years, 60% of the Afghan government's financial budget has come from international aid, and the monthly salary of some laborers in Afghanistan is only US$60;

During the Iraq War, more than 200,000 civilians died and about 2.5 million people became refugees. The U.S.-led coalition dropped a large number of depleted uranium bombs, cluster bombs, and white phosphorus bombs in Iraq. There are still nearly 25 million landmines and other explosive remnants in the country that have not been removed;

The war in Syria instigated by the United States directly resulted in the deaths of 387,000 people and left 6.7 million people homeless. According to a World Food Program survey in April 2020, about one-third of Syrians do not have enough food, and 87% have no savings.

Some American media have said that compared with such grand figures, the American people may care more about "a Middle Eastern mother gained freedom in the United States" and "several children overcame water shortages with the help of the United States" and other more "vivid" s story. But as long as you think about it a little, you will know that behind the statistics are lives that were once vivid but are now miserable.

At Kabul Airport, US soldiers pointed their guns at unarmed Afghan people.Source: Internet

The consequences of the crisis have already been revealed.

A large number of refugees generated by the war were desperately crowded on kayaks and fled to other countries, until refugee crises broke out in several European countries. What can be recorded in the news are children dying on the beach, refugees crammed to death in refrigerated trucks, refugees smuggled to death at sea, and the Afghans who fell from US military planes in the recent "Kabul Moment"… …

After all, in the eyes of the United States and the West, the "human rights" of citizens of the invaded country can exist in abstract slogans, but cannot exist in real life. For example, those civilians who are at risk of being shot at any time just because they are unable to escape the war zone, those children who were disabled at birth by US military chemical weapons and will suffer for life, and those refugees who have nowhere to stay in order to escape the US military's war. , according to the value logic of human rights, freedom, and democracy, how can we explain it?

It doesn't make sense. But new hatreds are superimposed on old hatreds, and each layer of hatred is a knot formed by blood. No matter how many veterans march, demonstrate, or protest in Washington Square that the war in the Middle East was based on lies and deception, they cannot undo the irreversible tragic consequences.

Nothing has a beginning, nothing has an end. The 20-year war on terrorism probably cannot escape the law of "I guessed the beginning, but not the ending."

A 3-year-old Syrian boy died while trying to cross the border.Source: Internet

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Although a country is large, if it forgets to fight, it will perish, and if it is warlike, it will be in danger.

Looking back at history, since World War II, almost every U.S. president has initiated or intervened in foreign wars. "Preventing the spread of communism", "maintaining justice", "stopping aggression", "fighting terrorism", etc. were all reasons for launching wars. The war in Afghanistan was the only "self-defense war" conducted by the United States. After all, its homeland directly suffered a terrorist attack. This received widespread sympathy from the international community at the time.

But when Afghanistan becomes a protracted battlefield, when the United States, under the banner of "eliminating the threat of al-Qaeda," arbitrarily expands the scope of its strikes, "it would rather kill by mistake than miss a kill," and when the United States sends troops to other countries on its own initiative, "killing" more than The victims of the "9.11" incident were more than a hundred times as many as civilians. "Counter-terrorism and self-defense" became the beginning of war and provocation, and the legitimacy brought by the "original dream" gradually disappeared.

"Foreign Policy" magazine once summarized the reasons why the United States has frequently used force abroad in recent years, including "the obvious advantage of military power brings the desire to use force", "the difficulty of domestic checks and balances to play an effective role", "the pursuit of geopolitical and other strategic goals", etc. In fact, to put it more bluntly, behind the urge to become militaristic has always been the hegemonic mentality of America first and the strong taking all, and the unilateral thinking of supremacy and supremacy in the world.

Someone on the Internet once said, who said the United States attacked Iraq for oil? According to this theory, is it possible to attack Vietnam for bananas and North Korea for rice cakes?

This is certainly specious. Compared with banana rice cakes, the geopolitical intention of "preventing communism" is absolutely tenable; compared with "washing powder", the strategic value of "dollar-oil" is much more important.

This is exactly what motivates the United States to squander trillions of dollars and launch a war even with massive casualties.

The war on terror has lasted for 20 years. It is not known whether the United States as a whole has "recouped its money", but "parts" of the United States have definitely recovered its money. Recently, when reviewing the 20th anniversary of the "9/11" incident, some foreign media reported that in the past 20 years, the stocks of the largest U.S. military manufacturer have increased tenfold, and more than $1 trillion has flowed into the pockets of U.S. military industrial enterprises and private contractors. "A cannon fires a thousand taels of gold." This account is understood by all the Beiyang warlords. Some American officials are as well-connected as capitalists.

Of course, it’s not just about making money. Whether it is based on the Western-centric world view and historical experience, or on the ancient religious correctness and pagan evil theories, in the eyes of the United States and its Western allies, maintaining power is the central point. From this perspective, those regimes that are “not of my race and whose hearts must be different” must be overthrown. Those who should be in power must be pro-American and pro-Western forces. The door to the market must be opened, and the entry and exit of capital must be free.

In other words, you must do what I say, you must live my way, otherwise you should not be alive.

But disaster also started from Xiao Qiang. In the "liberated" Iraq, a huge humanitarian and geopolitical disaster occurred; the single-handedly manipulated "Arab Spring" indirectly provided the soil for extremist terrorism such as the "Islamic State"; refugees generated by the war poured into Europe, It has also stirred up a wave of populism and even neo-Nazism…

"Islamic State" uploaded videos on social media showing how they massacred civilians and prisoners of war.Source: Internet

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In the view of American writer Fred Kaplan, the "9/11" incident turned the United States into a more "fragile" country: "Even if the United States once overthrew the Taliban regime and killed bin Laden, the terrorist organization has been under attack for nearly 20 years. It has continued to commit evil acts over the years, and the U.S.'s paranoia, xenophobia, and militarization continue to this day."

Over the past 20 years, the United States has invested a huge amount of resources in the war on terrorism or "rebuilding other countries," and its country has increasingly fallen into various crises. It is difficult to say that this systemic crisis was caused by the war, but it is an indisputable fact that the war emptied some of the family's wealth.

In January 2021, the U.S. Capitol Building was breached by demonstrators.Source: Russia Today

After the end of the Cold War, the end of history theory gave the United States the illusion that it could influence the course of historical development. However, countries that are already promoting "hegemony" always use "kingly way" as their crown, and gradually move towards historical reaction. The United States and the West, as "human rights teachers", never take these simple truths seriously: if you want to be respected by others, you must first respect others. Ordinary people first need security, survival, and development before they can talk about anything else.

The only person who can destroy hegemony is hegemony itself. Twenty years later, I wonder if this former "lighthouse country" understands this truth.

"The people of Qin have no time to mourn themselves, so that future generations will mourn for them. Later generations will mourn without taking note of it, which will also cause future generations to mourn for future generations again." These words are sent to the United States!

Text/Lan Ling